The domino effect of cryptogate, an exam and fear for more pineapples

How the cryptogate complicates the agreement with the FMIEN Extreme Emergency, the Government will try to save the DNU authorizing the signing of an agreement with the IMF. Course will seek an recomposition of the Bicameral Commission of the Congress that reviews the decrees to avoid rejection. On Monday afternoon in the office of Martín Menem they will meet with the authorities of the Libertad Block advances next to those of the bicameral – Juan Carlos Pagotto and Diego Santilli- and with executive officials, to resolve the new integration of the commission, where another infectious focus of internism has been manifested. This government scored a historical record being the first to suffer the rejection of a DNU, as happened with the authorization of items for the former SIDE last year. It had never happened since the norm that regulates the DNU. The emergency around 179/2025 is a consequence of the domino effect on cryptogate ruling. Javier Milei and the Government argue that the participation of the Head of State in the $ LIBRA issuance was a private and personal act of the president. As all the personal of a president is public, the effects have been devastating the government, to the point of endangering the most important project in economic matters, which is the agreement with the IMF. The examing cabinet The measure already has validity until someone achieves the votes to lie down. It is threatened by the rejection proposed by the block of Peronism, which has seven of the nine votes necessary to achieve it. A critical agreement like Nicolás Massot claims that the government promotes, at least, the approval of the 2025 budget and that includes the commitment payment program. For this reason, the DNU bicameral meeting was postponed for Tuesday of this week. To placate the spirits, the ruling party accepted that Vladimir Werning (vice president of the Central Bank), José Luis Daza (Secretary of Economic Policy) and Leonardo Madcur (representative to the IMF) will give explanations on Tuesday. Luis Caputo insists on not sitting at the legislators after the experience he had in 2018 against another bicameral. “My daughters are 11 and 13 years old. Don’t be so bad,” Gabriela Cerruti asked in a piece of paper, who had the good taste of advertising him. Incidentally, that was the bicameral of monitoring and control of the contracting and payment management of the foreign debt. The presidency José Mayans, but under the current government has not worked. It is where this agreement with the IMF should also be discussed. Daza Peronism awaits him with another piece of paper. Daza, who is Chilean with long residence in the United States, confessed that “when my children ask me what I am doing, I tell them that (…) I am here, trying to contribute my grain of sand in an extraordinary team, to change the direction of Argentina.” They will ask him who has asked for a effort, worthy of conservative guevarism. This is what Che Guevara set out in Cuba when he could not do it in Argentina. There may be Piñasel attempt to avoid the creation of a investigative commission that summons officials and legislators (including Martín Menem) to declare, he precipitated the violent incident among the Mileist deputies. The abrupt lifting of the session faced Oscar Zago and Lisandro Almirón, who integrate the commission that the IMF DNU must discuss. Zago conditioned his support for the DNU to which Pagotto, president of the commission, summoned the officials. “If you don’t bring them, you ask me more than collaborate.” Zago is a deputy for the lists of Freedom advances, but migrated to a separate block. He has said that he supports the agreement, but that he is critical of the use of the DNU. He has not said what formula he will use to make these two opposite criteria compatible. “If they had not signed that DNU, they would have already approved the agreement in deputies,” says Zago. This legislator also expects that the block of Lla Lla will put the new headline. belonging to the block. It limits its chances that has an internal dispute with the government about the candidacy for the first national deputy, for an eventual alliance in the province of Buenos Aires between the Pro and Lla. Olivos insists that this position goes to José Luis Espert, but Santilli claims the first place, because he exhibits the best voting intention surveys. If the ruling party was exalted as president of the bicameral and custodian of the DNU, he would be advancing an electoral closure. Pagotto, who defeats the mandate of one year as president of the Commission, claims to continue in office following the “uses and customs.” He quotes in his support that former radical senator Luis Naidenoff presided over two years that same commission. But with pre -election rispidity the “uses and customs” have expired. Actually, Naidenhoff, who today sounds as a possible general auditor of the Nation on behalf of his party, exercised a collegiate driving of DNU’s bicameral with two Peronists, Diana Conti and Marcos Cleri. It was during two mandates when Peronism and opposition tied in votes and shared decisions. A file is that the Riojan Pagotto ceases as president and that Santilli exercises the position as vice president. Before now, the radical senator Víctor Zimmermann, who integrates the arch of the friendly opposition, refused to preside over this bicameral, of which he was as secretary. Until this month he has been Minister of the Government of Leandro Zdero in the Chaco. In that province, the local UCR has made a front with freedom progress to face, in the legislative elections, to the Peronism that Jorge Capitanich leads. If I wanted to completely ensure the control of the DNU, you can summon Santa Fe Nicolás Mayoraz, a solvent lawyer who chairs the Constitutional Affairs Commission. His party was left out of the front that closed the UCR, the PRO and the socialism for the elections of Constituent Conventional. Mayoraz heads to LLA list. Another candidate to fulfill that task can be Guillermo Montenegro, criminal lawyer. The reasons for Carrió and Macriel Dnu on the agreement with the IMF proves how a project, which can decide the future of the Milei government, is tied to the precariousness of its strategy. The DNU as a tool has been criticized by Macri and Elisa Carrió, although they coincide with the need for their support. They have different reasons. Macri continues to understand that the Milei government depends on the support that the pro can give, even if he is a victim of the destroy of Olivos, Milei and his surroundings. Carrió has expressed the support for the DNU with arguments linked to the inopportance of prospering the progress of Peronism. Like other strategic visions of Carrió, it is not easy to verbalize them clearly. It is one of those anticipations difficult to accept in the heat of events, but that are clarified when they go to storm and we must admit that he was right. It is plausible that he believes that this government is going to collide and that he wants to be away from the disaster, but even more than the reproach that his criticisms could help his collapse. Time will clarify everything. Infierno in the Tower East Mistor that complicates the Government shot with the intervention of Nicolás Massot in the deputies session on Wednesday. It integrates the Miguel Pichetto block and encloses the project to reject, as a member of the DNU bicameral, the authorization for the agreement with the IMF, although it supports the objective if it comes by law. Massot reproached Martín Menem to shut the debate. He implied that it was because among the officials that the opposition wants to cite for the investigation of the cryptogate, are the cousins ​​Lule and Martín Menem, Karina Milei and the spokesman Manuel Adorni. “His own investiture begins to be questioned,” he shot him. Massot pointed to Martin, with ruthless softness, who is a judge and part in an investigation that has him as one of those mentioned in an eventual investigating panel. Attentive to the mood of the aforementioned, he twisted the tourniquet: “It is not a whim that we are asking for the presence of the general secretary and the presidential spokesman the previous knowledge of those who structured this scam. We are not saying that they have participated with guilt; At least, not yet. “Before Menem took the use of the word, Massot finished off:” His own investiture, product of silence, begins to be questioned. “That is by law, creation of Guzmán the idea that an agreement with the IMF must have the vote of the two chambers of the congress appeared in one of the Guzmán laws. The norm on sustainability of the debt February 2021. He says that “any issuance of public titles in foreign currency and under foreign legislation and jurisdiction (…) will require a special law of the Honorable Congress of the Nation that expressly authorizes it.” It was an idea of ​​the then Minister of Economy Martín Guzmán, who managed to support all the blocks of Congress in the two cameras. It is one of the few structural laws that have been in consensus size, together with initiatives of the Macri era, such as the Villas Law. It was not at the request of credit agencies, but the former Minister Guzmán is claimed as his own initiative. Already in April 2016, when Congress discussed the agreement with the bonds negotiated by the Macri government, Guzmán gave a talk in Congress as an expert, and held for the first time the need for any agreement to have the support of a Congress Law to ensure the compliance commitment. Years later, when it was the minister of Alberto Fernández, he managed to sanction the law. Without political support, no position of the Peronist bloc in the DNU commission against the approval of the Milei project follows those Guzmán guidelines, which is usually consulted by some union senators by the homeland. The Peronism bench is adhered to one of the conditions that puts the fund for an agreement, which is to have a total political support. The IMF has established four exceptional access criteria to its agreements (Exceptional Access Criteria). One of them is the one that demands from countries the terms of political and institutional capacity to implement the program. The “EAC4” requires guarantees on the prospects for success of the program, taking into account national appropriation and implementation capacity. “This criterion – reclaims the IMF in the document” Chapter 4: The Four Criteria ” – is the most important among the evaluation, since it requires that the program as a whole, including the aspects related to the other three criteria, addresses the problems of the member in a timely and effective way.” In the debate of the commission they will refloat a public confession of Minister Luis Caput In the Senate for the approval of an agreement.

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