As his admired Donald Trump, Javier Milei had his “day of liberation.” This is what the White House chief called at the beginning of the commercial war with tariffs, an attempt to limit globalization. Here, his exegeta in the forms, but not in the back Argentine Besent’s hand shows in the advance of dollars that the IMF will give to Argentina, much more bulky than some expected. The symbolism of the presence of Besent here, in the midst of the immense turbulence of the global market, is significant. It is a powerful man who is awarded -together with the intense pressure of the American establishment -, the turning back Trump with the rise in tariffs, except those he applied to China. The pending issues of the Argentine relationship with Beijing, destiny of much of the national exports, the patent of medicines and, perhaps, the tariff imposed by Trump, are part of the conversation. Others, more enthusiastic, have hope that the White House official announce extra help, which is always at the discretion of the US president. However, nothing will be more important than his presence on the premiere day of the new value of the dollar. The market will determine that price and, consequently, the size of the devaluation. The official story hid it with the dirty flotation bands of the dollar (between 1,000 and 1,400 pesos). It is the tree that covered the forest. The lifting of the stocks is an expected removal of a restriction that affects the Argentine economy. The Central Bank, in the imminence of the announcement of the agreement with the fund, had sold almost 500 million dollars at the official price. Tomorrow that value will surely be superior. A good difference will be obtained.Ilustration: Agustín SciamMarellaargentina achieved a broader disbursement that allows more robustness in the reserves of the Central Bank, and will defend itself, as announced by the president, with more adjustment if world turbulence shake the country. In turn, they have pledged to a reform of federal co -participation, tax reforms (with another 0.5 % squeeze from GDP) and a retirement reform pointing to special regimes and the retirement age of women. All, issues in which Congress must intervene. This “Day of Liberation” of the CEPO also had an increase in inflation to 3.7%, data that wanted to be diluted with the ads but that forecasts, with the modification of the value of the dollar, a problematic April with inflation and the subsequent months. The government was feeling the gradual decline of confidence in society, which began with the $ pounding scandal. Since then, until Friday, he had two losses in Congress: the rejection of García-Mansilla’s sheets and lijo postulated for the Court, and the constitution of the Crypto Investigative Commission that spread Milei. But he obtained a great triumph with help: the approval of the DNU of the agreement with the IMF, a farra process to which the ruling party blamed for having brought despair to society. Fewish argument: the functioning of the Congress, and its composition product of the elections, is part of the functioning of the democratic system. The preference of a congress transformed into a scribe of the Executive Power, as it worked during the governments of Cristina Kirchner, is an authoritarian reflection. From the left and right. The political objective of the Casa Rosada is to win the October elections. If this happened, it will improve its weak position in Congress, but it will not turn the relationship of forces. The electoral debut will be today’s vote in Santa Fe for the constitutional reform that the radical Pullaro would win. Then comes the Buenos Aires chapter with the dream of Karina Milei to unseat the pro of the city. For now, his candidate Manuel Adorni is second behind the Kirchner radical, Leandro Santoro, who leads the polls. Lospennato, of the PRO, and Larreta, follow them in that order.In the province of Buenos Aires, the ruling party has an opportunity if the LLA agreement with the PRO is closed. Ritondo, one of the most regular Karina’s contestants and quasi official in deputies (with more skill than Martín Menem to understand the legislative dynamics) managed to avoid that the intention of Mauricio Macri prosper to expel Santilli del Pro. The accusation of today active former president is that Santilli plays his, as Bullrich did when he passed the Milei team without rubles. The former fighting partner of Larreta Pugna for leading the Libertarian-Pro ballot leaving Espert in second place. That agreement, however, has not been finalized. And Ritondo knows that Santilli is better negotiating from the Pro than to leave him freed to his fate. He also knows that the unit with Karina can give off a sector of the PRO that would join the radicals to go in another front. It discusses a territory in which Peronism possibly manages to eliminate the step, thus avoiding another electoral call, but has not yet dodged the risk of a fracture, real and almost determining risk for the October election.
